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              <text>A historical backdrop of oppression and exploitation has set the stage for distrust in research relationships with many indigenous communities. Although distrust poses a barrier to conducting research with indigenous communities, it also provides a distinct opportunity to examine factors related to trust development. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to understand the factors that relate to trust development in research relationships with indigenous communities in the United States. This qualitative descriptive study explored the experiences of 13 indigenous and non-indigenous researchers working with indigenous communities. Historical oppression, risk and reputation, power balancing across multiple levels, reciprocity and benevolence, and cross-cultural collaboration were emergent themes related to trust development with indigenous communities. Activities between researchers and indigenous communities occurred within a broader context of historical oppression and were on a continuum between trust-building and trust-breaking.</text>
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              <text>In comparison with the general population, research indicates a need for greater health equity among American Indian and Alaska Natives (AI/AN). AI/ANs have demonstrated remarkable resilience in response to centuries of historical oppression, yet growing evidence documents mental health disparities. Consequently, some AI/AN youth, defined as 18 years or younger, experience elevated rates of suicide, substance use disorders, conduct and oppositional defiant disorders, attention deficit-hyperactivity disorders, and posttraumatic stress disorders. In this chapter, we systematically review the growing body of research examining the culturally specific risk and protective factors related to AI/AN youth wellness. This review includes published, peer-reviewed qualitative and quantitative research on AI/AN youth between the years 1988 to 2013. Organizing risk and protective factors within an ecosystemic resilience framework, the following broad risk and protective factors are critically reviewed: societal factors (historical oppression and discrimination), cultural factors (ethnic identity, spirituality, and connectedness), community factors (community environment, school environment, peer influence, and social support), family factors (family support, family income, parental mental health, family trauma, and stressful life events), and individual factors. This chapter includes a discussion of the risk and protective factors accounting for AI/AN youth mental health disparities, implications for correcting disparities and the importance of incorporating familial and community level interventions for AI/AN youth.</text>
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              <text>Indigenous women experience intimate partner violence (IPV) at a disproportionate and epidemic rate. A common thread among indigenous women’s experiences is that of colonization, which has been linked to both IPV and other social ills. Many tools of domination and control used throughout colonization to subjugate and oppress indigenous peoples are consistent with the tactics of power and control used in IPV. Given the distinct history of colonization along with the absence of research on indigenous women from the Southeastern portion of the United States, the purpose of this critical ethnography was to understand the culture and context of IPV for women from a Southeastern tribe across the life course.&#13;
&#13;
Because they complimented and supplemented each other in their ability to increase understanding about indigenous women’ experiences with IPV, critical theory, historical trauma, life course theory, and resilience theory guided this qualitative inquiry. Paulo Freire’s vision of critical theory was used to conceptualize this dissertation within the specific historical context. Using Carspecken’s critical ethnographic method, the relevant data collected for this study included 28 participant observation sessions with indigenous community members and 28 life histories with indigenous women. Dataanalysis followed Carpsecken’s method of reconstructive analysis.&#13;
&#13;
The patterns of power and domination at the societal, community, and interpersonal levels were identified with the broader beliefs that might perpetuate IPV across generations. Results included key factors within the specific historical context of indigenous women that had salient linkage to IPV. The potential symptoms of historical loss and trauma, including alcohol abuse, IPV, and family breakdown, were highlighted. Women’s emergent pattern of violence that occurred across the life course was delineated within the culturally specific family structure. Women’s perceptions of experiences with the formal and informal support systems were explored. Likewise, the various coping strategies of women who experienced IPV were identified along with the culturally specific protective and risk factors across multiple levels. Women’s suggestions for emancipation from oppression were highlighted along with the implications for social work practice and policy.</text>
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                <text>Unraveling the Web of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) With Women From One Southeastern Tribe: A Critical Ethnography</text>
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              <text>Although indigenous women in the United States consistently experience disproportionately high rates of intimate partner violence (IPV), attention to this problem is glaringly underrepresented in the existing research. This article addresses the lack of empirical research on structural causes of violence by aiming to understand historical oppression in the lives of southeastern tribal members and highlighting how historical oppression may give rise to the increased likelihood of violence against indigenous women. Critical analysis of ethnographic data drawn from a broader critical ethnography and interviews with 49 indigenous women and professionals who had firsthand experiences with violence, either personally or professionally, uncovers five main themes: experiences of oppression, historical and contemporary losses, cultural disruption, manifestations of oppression, and dehumanizing beliefs and values. Results indicate that various forms of historical oppression created a context in which IPV tends to be perpetuated at high rates.</text>
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              <text>Much has been written about the history of the Queensland Native Mounted Police, mostly focussing on its development, its white officers, how much the Colonial Government genuinely knew about the actions of the Force, and how many people were killed during the frontier wars. Far less attention has been given to the Aboriginal men of the force, the nature of their recruitment, and the long-term traumatic impacts on Aboriginal peoples’ and communities’ psyches rather than broadscale changes to Aboriginal culture per se. This article examines the historical and ongoing psychological impacts of dispossession and frontier violence on Aboriginal people. Specifically, we argue that massacres, frontier violence, displacement, and the ultimate dispossession of land and destruction of traditional cultural practices resulted in both individual and collective inter-generational trauma for Aboriginal peoples. We posit that, despite the Australian frontier wars taking place over a century ago, their impacts continue to reverberate today in a range of different ways, many of which are as yet only partially understood.</text>
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              <text>The story of the Thomas Indian School has been overlooked by history and historians even though it predated, lasted longer, and affected a larger number of Indian children than most of the more well-known federal boarding schools. Founded by the Presbyterian missionaries on the Cattaraugus Seneca Reservation in western New York, the Thomas Asylum for Orphan and Destitute Indian Children, as it was formally named, shared many of the characteristics of the government-operated Indian schools. However, its students were driven to its doors not by Indian agents, but by desperation. Forcibly removed from their land, Iroquois families suffered from poverty, disease, and disruptions in their traditional ways of life, leaving behind many abandoned children.The story of the Thomas Indian School is the story of the Iroquois people and the suffering and despair of the children who found themselves trapped in an institution from which there was little chance for escape. Although the school began as a refuge for children, it also served as a mechanism for "civilizing" and converting native children to Christianity. As the school's population swelled and financial support dried up, the founders were forced to turn the school over to the state of New York. Under the State Board of Charities, children were subjected to prejudice, poor treatment, and long-term institutionalization, resulting in alienation from their families and cultures. In this harrowing yet essential book, Burich offers new and important insights into the role and nature of boarding schools and their destructive effect on generations of indigenous populations.</text>
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              <text>This study explores how professional Indigenous women respond to the presentation of survey data on sexual assault in a conference setting. Sexual assault survey data presented within the context of colonization can provide a platform for Indigenous women to speak out. This study centers the voices of Indigenous women as central for understanding issues of prevalence. Indigenous women are situated in difficult intersections because solidarity to stand united against ongoing colonial influences with fellow community members and engage decolonization efforts often come at a high cost of keeping silent about their victimization. Understanding the unique position Indigenous women occupy is critical to understanding the dynamics surrounding speaking out and seeking justice for survivors after sexual assault.</text>
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              <text>Using two large-scale representative samples of Canada collected in 1999 and 2004, this study examined Aboriginal women’s elevated risk for violent victimization relative to non-Aboriginal women. Aboriginal women had about four times the odds of experiencing violence compared to non-Aboriginal women in both surveys. In general, there were fewer differences in the impact of risk factors between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women in the 2004 than the 1999 survey, resulting in risk factors accounting for less of Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of experiencing violence in the 2004 than the 1999 survey. In both surveys, controlling for all available risk factors did not fully account for Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of experiencing violence. Results were consistent with the theory that much of Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of violent victimization may be linked to colonization. Future research is needed to provide direct evidence of a connection between cultural loss and Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of violent victimization.</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="63">
          <name>Cataloger</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="12262">
              <text>Maria Qureshi</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
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        <name>Dublin Core</name>
        <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
        <elementContainer>
          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="12248">
                <text>Understanding the Elevated Risk of Partner Violence Against Aboriginal Women: A Comparison of Two Nationally Representative Surveys of Canada</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="49">
            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="12256">
                <text>Aboriginal women</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
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    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="711">
        <name>Aboriginal Women</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="11">
        <name>Canada</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="37">
        <name>Colonization</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="712">
        <name>Cultural Loss</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="494">
        <name>Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="437">
        <name>Violence</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
