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              <text>&lt;a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.04.009"&gt;https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.04.009&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <text>Brent Bezo, Stefania Maggi</text>
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              <text>Vol. 134</text>
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              <text>Social Science &amp; Medicine</text>
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              <text>2015</text>
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              <text>Qualitative methodology was used to investigate the intergenerational impact of the 1932–1933 Holodomor genocide on three generations in 15 Ukrainian families. Each family, residing in Ukraine, consisted of a first generation survivor, a second generation adult child and a third generation adult grandchild of the same line. The findings show that the Holodomor, a genocide that claimed millions of lives by forced starvation, still exerts substantial effects on generations born decades later. Specifically, thematic analysis of the 45 semi-structured, in-depth interviews, done between July and November 2010, revealed that a constellation of emotions, inner states and trauma-based coping strategies emerged in the survivors during the genocide period and were subsequently transmitted into the second and third generations. This constellation, summarized by participants as living in “survival mode,” included horror, fear, mistrust, sadness, shame, anger, stress and anxiety, decreased self-worth, stockpiling of food, reverence for food, overemphasis on food and overeating, inability to discard unneeded items, an indifference toward others, social hostility and risky health behaviours. Since both the family and community-society were found to be involved in trauma transmission, the findings highlight the importance of multi-framework approaches for studying and healing collective trauma.</text>
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              <text>Kristen Walker</text>
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                <text>Living in “Survival Mode:” Intergenerational Transmission of Trauma from the Holodomor Genocide of 1932–1933 in Ukraine</text>
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        <name>Genocide</name>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://doi.org/10.1080/15325024.2017.1284491"&gt;https://doi.org/10.1080/15325024.2017.1284491&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <text>Liat Itzhaky, Sharon Avidor, Zahava Solomon</text>
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              <text>Vol. 22</text>
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              <text>No. 3</text>
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              <text>Journal of Loss and Trauma</text>
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              <text>2017</text>
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              <text>15325032</text>
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              <text>The link between posttraumatic guilt and posttraumatic stress disorder has gained recognition over the past decades and was recently expressed in the modifications made to the diagnostic criteria for the disorder under the DSM-V. Yet, the psychological dynamics underlying this relation are still not fully understood. The present study introduces a model whereby different dynamics between guilt and hostility are related to posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms (PTSS), following different traumatic war experiences. One hundred and forty-four former prisoners of war (ex-POWs) and 143 comparable combatants participated in the study, 30 years after the war, reporting on their PTSS, guilt, and hostility. Moderation analyses revealed a three-way interaction, where high hostility buffered the effect of guilt on PTSS only among ex-POWs. This finding suggests a distinctive dynamic among guilt, hostility, and PTSS following diverse traumatic events. Specifically, it appears that hostility can have a mitigating effect on the negative outcomes of guilt for ex-POWs following trauma, but not for non-POW veterans. The theoretical reasoning and the clinical implications of these findings are discussed.</text>
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              <text>Haley Lesemann</text>
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                <text>Long-Term Guilt and Hostility Underlying Posttraumatic Stress Symptoms in War Combatants and Ex-Prisoners of War&#13;
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                <text>Prisoners of war--Mental health</text>
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        <name>Combat Veterans</name>
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        <name>Guilt</name>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://doi.org/10.1037/tra0000182"&gt;https://doi.org/10.1037/tra0000182&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <text>Sharon Avidor, Yuval Palgi, Zahava Solomon </text>
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        <element elementId="58">
          <name>Volume</name>
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              <text>Vol. 9</text>
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              <text>No. 2</text>
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              <text>Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy</text>
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              <text>2017</text>
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              <text>English </text>
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              <text>Objective: These studies examined whether exposure to traumatic events at different stages of life would predict posttraumatic stress symptoms (PTSS) in old age. Furthermore, the regulating role of perceptions that relate to one’s future time horizons (subjective life expectancy, SLE) and age (subjective age) were also examined. Method and Results: It was hypothesized that exposure to trauma would predict more PTSS, and that this association would be moderated by SLE and subjective age, so that for those with higher SLE and a younger subjective age, exposure to trauma will have a weaker association with PTSS. Study 1 (N = 294) revealed that among Israeli war veterans (mean age 57), those who experienced the trauma of war captivity in the Yom Kippur War reported higher PTSS than comparable veterans, and that the relationship between captivity and PTSS was weaker for those with a higher SLE. Study 2 (N = 339), which was based on older adults who were currently exposed to ongoing rocket fire in the south of Israel (mean age 65), revealed the same pattern of findings: Exposure to rocket fire predicted more PTSS, but this relationship was weaker among those with a higher SLE. Subjective age did not reveal a moderation effect. Conclusions: These findings suggest that different traumatic experiences, whether belonging to one’s past or whether currently ongoing, predict PTSS in later life. Moreover, it appears that subjective time horizons until death, but not subjective age since birth, can buffer against the negative effect of the trauma. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2025 APA, all rights reserved)</text>
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              <text>Kristen Walker</text>
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                <text>Lower Subjective Life Expectancy in Later Life is a Risk Factor for Posttraumatic Stress Symptoms Among Trauma Survivors</text>
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                <text>Psychology </text>
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        <name>Life Expectancy</name>
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        <name>Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD)</name>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/fendo.2014.00103"&gt;https://doi.org/10.3389/fendo.2014.00103&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <text>Heather N Bader, Linda M Bierer, Amy Lehrner, Iouri Makotkine, Nikolaos P Daskalakis, Rachel Yehuda</text>
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              <text>Frontiers in Endocrinology</text>
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              <text>2014</text>
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        <element elementId="78">
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              <text>Parental traumatization has been associated with increased risk for the expression of psychopathology in offspring, and maternal posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) appears to increase the risk for the development of offspring PTSD. In this study, Holocaust-related maternal age of exposure and PTSD were evaluated for their association with offspring ambient cortisol and PTSD-associated symptom expression</text>
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                <text>Maternal Age at Holocaust Exposure and Maternal PTSD Independently Influence Urinary Cortisol Levels in Adult Offspring</text>
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                <text>Endocrinology</text>
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              <text>This qualitative research study explores the meanings of Eldership and eldering in a local urban Native American community in the Greater Boston Area. Studies regarding older Native Americans often use “older adult” and “elder” synonymously. By relegating aging to simply a “chronological pace,” researchers assume that Native communities view time and the transition into elderhood as an independent physiological experience, when alternative understandings may exist. Urban Native Americans may not have ties to the land they live on, are separated from the culture and traditions of their tribal members on reservations, and are consumed by the dominating modality of their colonizer. However, an urban Native community continues to exist in the Greater Boston Area in Massachusetts. This in part is due to the persistent efforts of elders within the community over time who elder-in-place: they maintain networks and pass down knowledge to younger generations within a co-constructed shared space.</text>
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              <text>Memorialisation of those who died during the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi has been an ongoing concern for both the Rwandan and non-Rwandan communities. The majority of the existing memorials were initially constructed by survivors supported by the local community, administration and other partners in response to the urgent need to bury the bodies of genocide victims. These sites have transformed over the years as memorial policies have codified and evolved. Memorial museums reflect the growing tendency of viewing trauma sites as artistic, interactive spaces that engage with those who visit them. This article examines the aesthetics of memory in three memorial museums situated in Rwanda’s western province: Bisesero, Gatwaro and Ngoma. It reflects on the work of the Rwandan architect Vedaste Ngarambe and his contribution as a local voice by considering how the architect’s aesthetic design choices reflect not only stories of the massacres that unfolded at the three sites but also the mourning culture of the community in which they are located.</text>
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              <text>On March 11, 2011 Japan was struck by a magnitude 9.0Mw earthquake. The results were severe, as more than 15,000 people were killed by the earthquake and the following tsunami 1. The aftermath of the disaster was a level 7 nuclear meltdown in Fukushima, matching only the Chernobyl disaster 1,2. The literature on behavioural reactions after nuclear disasters is scarce 3,4,5, mainly addressing anxiety. In the case of Japan, the nuclear disaster has awakened the memories of the World War II atomic bombs and as such, might have raised a historically based fear among Japanese 6. Our aim was to examine the differences between people whose grandparents were living in the greater area of Hiroshima and Nagasaki during the dropping of the atomic bombs and those whose grandparents were not.</text>
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              <text>Research in the area of health disparities has increased in recent years. Various sources cite widespread differences between whites and people of color in a variety of healthcare treatment areas including cardiovascular disease, cancer, maternal and child health and mental health.1 In 2001, US Surgeon General David Satcher commissioned a report supplement to illuminate racial mental health disparities, provide empirical support to document the differences, and offer strategies for use in reducing the disparities.2 In accordance with a number of the suggestions from the Surgeon General’s report, the purpose of this article is to present a paradigm that may assist in addressing health disparities in child and adolescent psychiatric research and clinical care.&#13;
&#13;
Regarding blacks and psychiatric clinical care in particular, the following discussion is presented to elucidate sociocultural (ie, nonfinancial) barriers to treatment, the unique aspects of shame and stigma that blacks associate with treatment, and black cultural mistrust of the mental health system. The focus of clinical care in this article is adolescent depression, and the Breland-Noble Model of Pathways to Psychiatric Clinical Care3 serves as the backdrop for this discussion.&#13;
&#13;
Please note that in this article, the term “blacks” is being used to refer to people of various ethnic groups within the category of black (non-Hispanic), including African Americans, emigrant Caribbean Blacks, and emigrant Continental Africans in the United States.</text>
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              <text>With the presentation in Ottawa this spring of the report from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of Canada on Indian residential schools, the well-being of Canada’s Aboriginal peoples took centre stage for a few days in the media and minds of the Canadian public. The TRC documented key historical issues that have contributed to major mental health disparities in Canada’s indigenous population and pointed the way toward a larger process of national reconciliation.1 Because JPN is the official journal of the Canadian College of Neuropsychopharmacology, a Canadian society devoted to understanding mental health and disease, we are taking the opportunity with this editorial to keep the discussion going forward by highlighting the mental wellness of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. We present a brief historical background of some of the factors recognized as contributing to current mental health challenges faced by the Aboriginal population and end with some suggestions on how mental health professionals might contribute to the reconciliation process. Although much of what we discuss in this editorial has been written before, it bears repeating to engage our readers. In addition to their importance in the Canadian context, many of the issues we discuss are relevant to indigenous peoples in other countries.</text>
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              <text>In emergent fields of practice, there is often an ‘ethics lag’ — a period of significant innovation during which the focus is on what can be accomplished more than on the safeguards that should be put in place to protect the public from the unanticipated consequences of that innovation. This is true of the emergent field of digital open-source investigations conducted for international criminal justice purposes, in which researchers and analysts comb the Internet for information relevant to their research. One sub-field where the ethics lag is particularly of concern is digital investigations of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence (CRSV), especially with regards to whether and when investigators need consent from social media posters, survivors, bystanders and others to use information discovered in online spaces. This article explores options for centring and promoting victim safety and dignity by clarifying ethical issues that investigators should consider before using open-source information to support international investigations and prosecutions of CRSV. After identifying where the relevant law leaves gaps in guidance, the authors discuss a series of considerations that may help investigators ethically handle such sensitive data. Ultimately, the authors underscore the importance of securing consent from survivors when engaging in digital open-source investigations into sexual violence. What arguably varies is who should seek that consent, when, and how.</text>
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