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                  <text>Multigenerational Legacies of Trauma of American Indians</text>
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              <text>Background: Despite progress in understanding non-lethal suicidal behavior among youth in the United States little is known about the factors that contribute to this behavior among reservation based Native American youth.&#13;
Objectives: The purpose of this dissertation was to further the understanding of non-lethal suicidal behavior (suicide ideation and suicide attempt) among reservation based Native American youth, 15-24 years of aged, by examining the relationship between historical trauma, historical loss, contemporary trauma, individual trauma response, protective factors and lifetime suicide ideation and attempts in an understudied population.&#13;
&#13;
Design and methods: A cross-sectional correlational design was used. Data were collected using an anonymous web-based survey. Participants completed a self-report&#13;
&#13;
187 item survey assessing individual experiences with suicide ideation and suicide attempt, and including historical trauma, historical loss, historical loss associated symptoms, exposure to violence, childhood trauma, perceived discrimination, substance use, depression, PTSD, communal mastery, and cultural identity.&#13;
&#13;
Sample: 288 Native American youth 15-24 years of age from one reservation-two tribes in the northern plains participated in this study.&#13;
Findings: Lifetime suicide ideation and lifetime suicide attempt were highly prevalent in this sample. O f 288 participants 45.3% and 35.8% reported lifetime ideation and&#13;
&#13;
attempts, respectively, while 47.6 reported no ideation or attempts. Females reported more ideation (58.1 vs 41.9) and more attempts (55.0 vs 45.0) than males however, no significant gender differences were found across ideation or attempt.</text>
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              <text>D. Hyatt-Burkhart, Lisa Lopez Levers</text>
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              <text>This chapter provides the construct of psychosocial trauma within its historical contexts to view the effects of traumatic events. Sotero has described historical trauma theory as a relatively new concept in public health that aims to assess the higher prevalence of disease among populations exposed to long-term traumatic experiences across generations. Alexander examined the construct of cultural trauma as a constructivist concept. Modern study of the effects of trauma on the individual human condition is an endeavor that is rooted in the studies of the mind that constituted the beginnings of modern psychiatry. Professional and popular conceptualizations of trauma continued to expand through the end of the 20th century. With the advent of the women’s liberation movement, issues related to the “tyranny of private life” of women began to be examined. The measurement of stress disorders in children generally has been conducted using assessment tools designed for use with adults.</text>
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              <text>Although indigenous women in the United States consistently experience disproportionately high rates of intimate partner violence (IPV), attention to this problem is glaringly underrepresented in the existing research. This article addresses the lack of empirical research on structural causes of violence by aiming to understand historical oppression in the lives of southeastern tribal members and highlighting how historical oppression may give rise to the increased likelihood of violence against indigenous women. Critical analysis of ethnographic data drawn from a broader critical ethnography and interviews with 49 indigenous women and professionals who had firsthand experiences with violence, either personally or professionally, uncovers five main themes: experiences of oppression, historical and contemporary losses, cultural disruption, manifestations of oppression, and dehumanizing beliefs and values. Results indicate that various forms of historical oppression created a context in which IPV tends to be perpetuated at high rates.</text>
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              <text>Maria Qureshi</text>
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              <text>Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart, Josephine Chase, Jennifer Elkins, Deborah B. Altschul</text>
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              <text>Indigenous Peoples of the Americas have experienced devastating collective, intergenerational massive group trauma and compounding discrimination, racism, and oppression. There is increasing evidence of emotional responses to collective trauma and losses among Indigenous Peoples, which may help to inform ways of alleviating psychological suffering and unresolved grief. Tribal cultural and regional differences exist which may impact how the wounding across generations and within an individual's lifespan are experienced and addressed. This article will review the conceptual framework of historical trauma, current efforts to measure the impact of historical trauma upon emotional distress, and research as well as clinical innovations aimed at addressing historical trauma among American Indians/Alaska Natives and other Indigenous Peoples of the Americas. We will discuss assessment of historical trauma and implications for research and clinical as well as community interventions, and conclude with recommendations.</text>
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              <text>When compared to other marginalized racial/ethnic groups, American Indians/Alaskan&#13;
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              <text>The Nazi Holocaust is recognized as representing the ultimate culture of terror (Lewin, 1993). It has been argued that the effects of torture and maltreatment entered the scientific consciousness in its aftermath (Engdahl &amp; Eberly, 1990). The enormity of the suffering of survivors of Nazi concentration camps and other atrocities has led to pioneering research on the long-term effects of massive psychic trauma. The history and contributions of the literature on survivors of the Nazi Holocaust also poignantly illustrate the complexities, ethical dilemmas, and scientific challenges inherent in understanding and documenting the role of perpetrators, bystanders, rescuers, and healers at various points in the experience and aftermath of trauma (Hilberg, 1992). The ethical and moral implications of focusing on alternative perspectives must also be acknowledged. A focus on documenting adverse impacts may serve to revictimize survivors, whereas a focus on their adaptability, strength, and resiliency may be construed as trivializing the horrors that they have endured (Davidson &amp; Charny, 1992).</text>
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              <text>The growing rate of urban Aboriginal homelessness is a concern in Canada, yet, to date, no national enumeration of the homeless community has been attempted. Consequently, policies implemented to guarantee vulnerable populations access to housing are being struck in the absence of reliable data. Obtaining good data on the prevalence of this homeless community is one step in improving our collective understanding and response to urban Aboriginal homelessness. According to our calculations, that homelessness is staggering: on any one night, 6.97 percent of the urban Aboriginal population in Canada is homeless, as compared to a national average of .78 percent. This paper highlights the academic and bureaucratic construction of homelessness while urging academics and front-line agencies to align their research agendas in order to help combat the issues that create homelessness in what is a uniquely challenging environment for urban Aboriginal individuals seeking services. The paper concludes with a series of recommendations that will assist in this matter.</text>
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              <text>The psychiatric literature is divided with regard to the long-term psychological effects associated with Holocaust (Shoah) experiences because the findings of clinical and empirical studies often contradict each other. Despite case reports of emotional sequelae related to intergenerational transmission of trauma, recent empirical research has suggested that offspring of survivors of the Shoah did not differ from other children and found no evidence that traumatic experiences of survivors of the Shoah affected their children's and grandchildren's adjustment. To shed light on some of the differences between the empirical and clinical observations, the present study set out to compare the grandchildren of survivors of the Shoah and persons of the same age whose families had not been through the Shoah experience. This study compared the two groups on some psychological dimensions relevant to traumatic sequelae: hopelessness, temperament, personality, attitudes, and interpersonal expectations. Subjects were 124 equally divided among the Shoah survivors' grandchildren and comparison groups; we administered to all subjects TEMPS-A Rome, Beck Hopelessness Scale, State-Trait Anger Expression Inventory, and 9AP (9 Attachment Profile). We found no differences between two groups in Hopelessness, Dysthimic/Cyclotimic/Anxious, Hyperthimic temperament, and self-perception; instead the Shoah survivors' grandchildren have a view of the other as rejecting, hostile, submissive, insecure, unreliable, and competitive in the interpersonal relationships. The Shoah survivors' grandchildren are similar to controls in affective temperament, hopelessness and self-perception, but they are more irritable and angry than controls, and their perception about others is deeply negative. Attribution theory was used to elucidate these findings.</text>
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              <text>Haley Lesemann</text>
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                <text>Hopelessness, Temperament, Anger and Interpersonal Relationships in Holocaust (Shoah) Survivors’ Grandchildren</text>
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                <text>Grandchildren of Holocaust survivors</text>
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        <name>Jewish Holocaust Survivors</name>
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        <name>Psychological Distress</name>
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        <name>Third-Generation Holocaust Survivors</name>
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                  <text>Multigenerational Legacies of Trauma of American Indians</text>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://doi.org/10.7936/K7WM1BTS"&gt;https://doi.org/10.7936/K7WM1BTS&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <text>Shanondora M. Billiot</text>
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              <text>Washington University in St. Louis</text>
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              <text>Louisiana, United States</text>
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          <description/>
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            <elementText elementTextId="11695">
              <text>English</text>
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              <text>Global environmental change is an ongoing and complex social problem that will continue to permeate all spheres of life on earth (Moran, 2010). Not all communities experience social and economic consequences of environmental change at the same level (Adger, 2006a; Cutter, Boruff, &amp; Shirley, 2003; Gillespie, 2010; Nicholls et al., 2007; Vogel, Moser, Kasperson, &amp; Dabelko, 2007). The variability of vulnerability, or potential for exposure or harm, stems from proximity to fragile ecosystems as well as social and economic differences across communities (Boruff, Emrich, &amp; Cutter, 2005). Additionally, environmental changes are projected to have adverse impacts on marginalized populations through additional pressures on existing, struggling social systems. Indigenous coastal communities, given their attachment to and dependence on the land, are especially vulnerable to environmental changes (Ford, 2012). In addition, indigenous peoples worldwide have poorer health compared to their majority groups (Anderson et al., 2006; Castor et al., 2006; Gracey &amp; King, 2009; King, Smith, &amp; Gracey, 2009; Lama, 2012).</text>
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          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Kristen Walker</text>
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                <text>How Do Environmental Changes and Shared Cultural Experiences Impact the Health of Indigenous Peoples in South Louisiana?</text>
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        <name>Community Healing</name>
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        <name>Discrimination</name>
      </tag>
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        <name>Environmental Change</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="655">
        <name>Louisiana</name>
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      <tag tagId="41">
        <name>Mental Health</name>
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        <name>Traditional Knowledge</name>
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        <name>United States</name>
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                  <text>The Rwandan Genocide, 1994</text>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://doi.org/10.3390/soc7030024"&gt;https://doi.org/10.3390/soc7030024&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <text>Annemiek Richters, Barbora Hola, Lidewyde H. Berckmoes, Theoneste Rutayisire, Veroni Eichelsheim</text>
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          <description/>
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              <text>Vol. 7</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="11412">
              <text>No. 3</text>
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          <description/>
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              <text>The 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda and its aftermath led to large-scale individual traumatization, disruption of family structures, shifts in gender roles, and tensions in communities, which are all ongoing. Previous research around the world has demonstrated the transgenerational effects of mass violence on individuals, families and communities. In Rwanda, in light of recurrent episodes of violence in the past, attention to the potential ‘cycle of violence’ is warranted. The assumption that violence is passed from generation to generation was first formulated in research on domestic violence and child abuse, but is receiving increasing attention in conflict-affected societies. However, the mechanisms behind intergenerational transmission are still poorly understood. Based on qualitative research with 41 mothers and their adolescent children, we investigated how legacies of the 1994 genocide and its aftermath are transmitted to the next generation through processes in the family environment in Rwanda. Our findings reveal direct and indirect pathways of transmission. We also argue that intergenerational effects might best be described as heterotypic: genocide and its aftermath lead to multiple challenges in the children’s lives, but do not necessarily translate into new physical violence. Further research is needed on how children actively engage with conflict legacies of the past.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="11421">
              <text>Kristen Walker</text>
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                <text>How Legacies of Genocide Are Transmitted in the Family Environment: A Qualitative Study of Two Generations in Rwanda</text>
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                <text>Rwandan Genocide, Rwanda, 1994</text>
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              <text>Katherine Sievert, Mark Lawrence, Christine Parker, Phillip Baker</text>
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              <text>2024</text>
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              <text>Global corporate-industrial meat production is associated with harms to social, animal, and planetary health. Although national policy discussions are lacking, some studies suggest addressing these harms through taxation and supply chain standards. However, these proposals overlook the potential role of corporate power in creating and perpetuating these harms. Our study addresses this gap by examining how political, economic, and structural features of food systems enable the meat industry to externalize costs of production and perpetuate ecological and social harms. Here, we analyze three case studies from different stages of global supply chains, revealing a highly concentrated meat industry, close industry-government ties, reduced regulatory oversight, and entrenched cultural norms about meat’s significance to food security. It calls for policy responses that address the economic and political power of the meat industry and the enabling of social and ecological externalities. Finally, it recommends adoption of a whole-of-food system approach to addressing unaccountable industry power.</text>
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                <text>How Power in Corporate-industrial Meat Supply Chains Enables Negative Externalities: Three case studies from Brazil, the US, and Australia</text>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://doi.org/10.3389/feduc.2024.1427079"&gt;https://doi.org/10.3389/feduc.2024.1427079&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <text>Moira A. Law</text>
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              <text>Globally, young people are experiencing unprecedented levels of socio-emotional loneliness, stress, and uncertainty. Formulating insight into their own and others’ experiences and behaviors is especially important during unsettling times and can be facilitated with socioemotional learning (SEL) curriculums. When implementing SEL programs, their success heavily depends upon teachers’ levels of commitment and comfort with the curriculum, as well as their perceived support from the administration; this is important and rarely studied. The current phenomenological qualitative study examined teachers’ experience during the early implementation of a new SEL, the Human Dignity Curriculum, (HDC) with middle school students in two small schools in Canada and the United States of America. Semi-structured interviews, using a four-question protocol developed for this study, were conducted with teachers who had completed teaching a 10-week module, as well as both school administrators. Written informed consent was obtained from each volunteer interviewee. Participants were asked, (1) Tell me about your experience while teaching HDC; (2) what was your commitment level to teaching HDC? (3) What was your comfort level with teaching HDC? (4) Did you feel supported by your administration when preparing and teaching HDC? Inductive thematic analysis identified five themes indicating HDC was a (1) user-friendly, (2) high value curriculum; (3) teachers felt supported teaching it; and a (4) shared language, (5) and shared teacher-student experience evolved when teaching HDC. Future research to replicate this initial evaluation of teachers’ experience and exploration of HDC’s potential impacts on youths’ well-being and related behavioral outcomes appears warranted.&#13;
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