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                  <text>Multigenerational Legacies of Trauma of Indigenous Canadians (First Nations, Métis, Inuit)</text>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://harvest.usask.ca/items/6c3daa4a-9b30-49ca-ba9f-a5ab268f7fb8"&gt;https://harvest.usask.ca/items/6c3daa4a-9b30-49ca-ba9f-a5ab268f7fb8&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <text>Avery Kenneth Ironside</text>
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              <text>Introduction: Many Indigenous peoples take a wholistic approach to health and well-being which includes cultural, social, mental, and physical aspects of health. Improved physical activity (PA) and decreased sedentary behaviours (SB) have been shown to attenuate the risk of many chronic diseases. As Indigenous populations experience elevated risks for chronic diseases, PA and SB may be ideal targets for Indigenous health-related interventions. To date, little research is available on the sociocultural determinants of PA or SB in Indigenous peoples.&#13;
Objective: The objective of this study is to examine possible cultural and social determinants of PA and SB among Indigenous populations.&#13;
Methods: This research study followed the methodologies outlined in Chapter 9 of the Tri-Council Policy Statement 2, while also using a decolonizing lens, taking a strength-based approach, and overseen by an Indigenous community advisory group. Participants were self-identified, Indigenous students, staff, and faculty and were given the option of taking an online survey or interviewer administered survey. Factors evaluated were PA, SB, cultural connectedness, discriminatory experiences, social support, family influences, historic trauma, education, income, tobacco and alcohol use, home residence, sex, and gender.&#13;
Results: Indigenous students, staff, and faculty participated in this study for a total sample of 124 people. Cultural connectedness was positively associated with PA in First Nations and Cree participants but negatively associated in Métis participants. Social support was found to be positively associated with muscle strengthening activities. Physical activity of participants who experienced, or had a family member experience, residential school or foster care was influenced by this historic trauma. Overall Indigenous participant’s PA was negatively associated with living in a northern community and being female. Métis peoples who were more physically active were found to be less sedentary. Overall Indigenous participant’s SB were negatively associated with discriminatory experiences, income, and living off-reserve. No associations between PA or SB were found when examining education, tobacco and alcohol use, and gender.&#13;
Conclusion: Cultural connectedness, discriminatory experiences, social support, family influences, historic trauma, income, home residence, and sex seem to be determinants of PA and/or SB; while education, tobacco and alcohol use, and gender do not.</text>
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              <text>The construction of illness as an inscription on the body of colonization figures importantly among Indigenous community-based service and health care providers. While residential schools and diabetes have both been characterized as products of colonization, little work has been done to examine how they are connected to and informative for health provider practice. The research data presented in this article come from a collaborative urban Indigenous community-based study examining the legacy of negative relationships with food that was instilled in residential schools and used in diabetes intervention. I illustrate how residential school disciplined eating, providing a context for understanding the contemporary production of Indigenous health knowledge and practice in the urban setting, and the diet-related management of diabetes.</text>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10896-008-9160-0"&gt;https://doi.org/10.1007/s10896-008-9160-0&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <text>Using two large-scale representative samples of Canada collected in 1999 and 2004, this study examined Aboriginal women’s elevated risk for violent victimization relative to non-Aboriginal women. Aboriginal women had about four times the odds of experiencing violence compared to non-Aboriginal women in both surveys. In general, there were fewer differences in the impact of risk factors between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women in the 2004 than the 1999 survey, resulting in risk factors accounting for less of Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of experiencing violence in the 2004 than the 1999 survey. In both surveys, controlling for all available risk factors did not fully account for Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of experiencing violence. Results were consistent with the theory that much of Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of violent victimization may be linked to colonization. Future research is needed to provide direct evidence of a connection between cultural loss and Aboriginal women’s elevated odds of violent victimization.</text>
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              <text>A limited body of research suggests that cultural participation may protect Aboriginal adolescents against alcohol use. Therefore, this thesis examined the relationship between cultural participation, including Aboriginal language knowledge and participation in extracurricular cultural activities, and three alcohol use outcomes —12-month alcohol use, heavy episodic drinking (HED), and weekly alcohol use, among off-reserve Aboriginal adolescents. Data from the 2012 Aboriginal Peoples Survey, a national cross-sectional survey of off-reserve Aboriginal identity individuals aged six years and older, was used. The analysis was restricted to adolescents aged 15 through 18 years with non-proxy interviews. Overall, 64.0 percent reported using alcohol in the past year, 22.4 percent participated in HED, and 10.9 percent used alcohol weekly. Aboriginal language knowledge was inversely associated with all outcomes, while participating in extracurricular cultural activities was negatively associated with 12-month alcohol use. Thus, programs that promote Aboriginal languages and culture may be successful in reducing alcohol use among Aboriginal youth.</text>
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              <text>With the presentation in Ottawa this spring of the report from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of Canada on Indian residential schools, the well-being of Canada’s Aboriginal peoples took centre stage for a few days in the media and minds of the Canadian public. The TRC documented key historical issues that have contributed to major mental health disparities in Canada’s indigenous population and pointed the way toward a larger process of national reconciliation.1 Because JPN is the official journal of the Canadian College of Neuropsychopharmacology, a Canadian society devoted to understanding mental health and disease, we are taking the opportunity with this editorial to keep the discussion going forward by highlighting the mental wellness of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. We present a brief historical background of some of the factors recognized as contributing to current mental health challenges faced by the Aboriginal population and end with some suggestions on how mental health professionals might contribute to the reconciliation process. Although much of what we discuss in this editorial has been written before, it bears repeating to engage our readers. In addition to their importance in the Canadian context, many of the issues we discuss are relevant to indigenous peoples in other countries.</text>
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              <text>In this chapter, we outline the historical trauma experienced by Aboriginal peoples in Canada, focusing on the intergenerational impacts of Indian Residential Schools (IRSs). The IRS system was part of the government’s policy of assimilation, with the goal of eradicating the cultural identities of Aboriginal children by forcing them to live in church-run, government funded schools that separated them from their communities, families, and cultures. Although our focus is on IRS experiences, even in less affected communities that managed to maintain aspects of traditional culture and identity, the domination by European settlers has led to “mismatches” of values and ways of being that have often been disadvantageous to Aboriginal peoples. Historical trauma has increasingly been used to account for the continued economic, health, and social disparities faced by indigenous peoples across the globe. However, even within countries, communities from diverse cultural backgrounds have faced their own unique combinations of traumatic experiences and histories of colonization. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved)</text>
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              <text>The current paper reviews research that has explored the intergenerational effects of the Indian Residential School (IRS) system in Canada, in which Aboriginal children were forced to live at schools where various forms of neglect and abuse were common. Intergenerational IRS trauma continues to undermine the well-being of today’s Aboriginal population, and having a familial history of IRS attendance has also been linked with more frequent contemporary stressor experiences and relatively greater effects of stressors on well-being. It is also suggested that familial IRS attendance across several generations within a family appears to have cumulative effects. Together, these findings provide empirical support for the concept of historical trauma, which takes the perspective that the consequences of numerous and sustained attacks against a group may accumulate over generations and interact with proximal stressors to undermine collective well-being. As much as historical trauma might be linked to pathology, it is not possible to go back in time to assess how previous traumas endured by Aboriginal peoples might be related to subsequent responses to IRS trauma. Nonetheless, the currently available research demonstrating the intergenerational effects of IRSs provides support for the enduring negative consequences of these experiences and the role of historical trauma in contributing to present day disparities in well-being.</text>
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              <text>Globally, Indigenous mental health research has increasingly focused on strengths-based theory to understand how positive factors influence wellness. However, few studies have examined how social support buffers the effects of trauma and stress on the mental health of Indigenous people. Using survey data from 207 males and 279 females in 2 Ontario First Nations we examined whether social support diminished the negative effects of perceived racism, historical trauma and loss on depression and/or anxiety. Among females, having more social supports was significantly related to a lower likelihood of depression/anxiety, whereas greater perceived racism and historical losses were associated with a greater likelihood of depression/anxiety. For both males and females, childhood adversity was significantly related to a greater likelihood of depression/anxiety. Among females, a significant interaction was found between social support and childhood adversities. For females with low social support, depression/anxiety was significantly higher among those who had experienced childhood adversities versus those with none; however, for those with high level of social support, the association was not significant. The same relationships were not found for males. Possible reasons are that males and females might experience depression/anxiety differently, or the social support measure might not adequately capture social support for First Nations males.</text>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://www.homelesshub.ca/sites/default/files/attachments/Belanger_WeaselHead_AHRC.pdf"&gt;https://www.homelesshub.ca/sites/default/files/attachments/Belanger_WeaselHead_AHRC.pdf&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <text>This report will proceed as follows. First, it will provide a regional history highlighting the social context that emerged from a chronicle of cultural interaction that was influenced by economic and political imperatives. We contend that this Canadian-centric approach to nation build has influenced urban Aboriginal homeless trends. Second, the extant literature about urban Aboriginal mobility and homelessness will be explored. We present our methodology followed by a detailed overview of the empirical findings. The discussion section elaborating on the key themes finishes off the report.</text>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://doi.org/10.5663/aps.v2i2.19006"&gt;https://doi.org/10.5663/aps.v2i2.19006&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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              <text>Yale D. Belanger, Olu Awosoga, Gabrielle Weasel Head</text>
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              <text>The growing rate of urban Aboriginal homelessness is a concern in Canada, yet, to date, no national enumeration of the homeless community has been attempted. Consequently, policies implemented to guarantee vulnerable populations access to housing are being struck in the absence of reliable data. Obtaining good data on the prevalence of this homeless community is one step in improving our collective understanding and response to urban Aboriginal homelessness. According to our calculations, that homelessness is staggering: on any one night, 6.97 percent of the urban Aboriginal population in Canada is homeless, as compared to a national average of .78 percent. This paper highlights the academic and bureaucratic construction of homelessness while urging academics and front-line agencies to align their research agendas in order to help combat the issues that create homelessness in what is a uniquely challenging environment for urban Aboriginal individuals seeking services. The paper concludes with a series of recommendations that will assist in this matter.</text>
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              <text>Kristen Walker</text>
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              <text>Indigenous Peoples who use illicit drugs (IPWUID) are disproportionately represented among toxic drug poisoning deaths in Canada. These drug-related harms are framed by the historical and ongoing trauma related to settler colonialism and are acutely visible in Vancouver, Canada's Downtown Eastside - a low-income neighbourhood that is an epicenter of the drug poisoning crisis and characterized by entrenched poverty, substance use, violence, and homelessness. This study was undertaken to examine the experiences and perspectives of IPWUID in the Downtown Eastside regarding the drug poisoning crisis and the responsiveness of harm reduction programs within the context of settler colonialism. Indigenous-led qualitative interviews were conducted with 16 IPWUID recruited by Indigenous peer researchers. Indigenous ways of knowing were embedded throughout the entire research design to ensure research was culturally congruent. Interview transcripts were analyzed thematically and interpreted by drawing on concepts of social violence and racial capitalism. Our analysis reviewed three key themes that centered the experiences of IPWUID in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside in relation to the drug poisoning crisis: (1) that the drug poisoning crisis is understood as a form of genocide toward Indigenous Peoples; (2) that the crisis is experienced within the context of pervasive distrust and adversarial relationships with police rooted in structurally racist experiences of place-based policing practices; and (3) that there is a desire for culturally-safe harm reduction care with Indigenous representation, cultural integration, and that addresses inequities and injustice stemming from colonialism and structural racism. Findings demonstrate how responses to the drug poisoning crisis among IPWUID need to respond to social and materials conditions perpetuated by colonialism and racial capitalism, while also centering IPWUID through the development and implementation of Indigenous-led and culturally safe harm reduction approaches.</text>
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              <text>&lt;a href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.drugpo.2024.104631"&gt;https://doi.org/10.1016/j.drugpo.2024.104631&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>They Talk About it like it's an Overdose Crisis When in Fact it's Basically Genocide: The experiences of Indigenous peoples who use illicit drugs in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside neighbourhood</text>
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                  <text>Multigenerational Legacies of Trauma of Indigenous Canadians (First Nations, Métis, Inuit)</text>
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              <text>Given that Indigenous Peoples in Canada continue to face health disparities as a result of ongoing colonial attempts at genocide, reconciliation requires using a decolonized health framework that identifies oppression and marginalization while seeking to improve Indigenous Peoples’ health and facilitates a shared understanding of well-being. Community and land-based interventions hold promise in providing insight into how the reconciliatory process can occur and have been shown to successfully address the health disparities experienced by Indigenous Peoples by connecting participants to their kin, culture, and identity. However, the impact of these interventions on facilitators, both Indigenous and non-Indigenous, is lesser known. This qualitative study explores the reconciliatory effects of a decolonized framework on 10 Indigenous and ally community-engaged facilitators during a land-based healing lodge using semistructured pre- and postinterviews. Findings indicate that engaging with the land as an equitable research partner while being reflective allows facilitators to develop a decolonized relationship with the place an intervention is being held, themselves, and effectively engage with the partner community. Furthermore, by implementing a decolonized approach to culturally centered interventions, several facilitators’ perspectives of healing transitioned from understanding healing as an outcome to a holistic process that engages place and the broader ecology. These findings signal a need for those working toward reconciliation (e.g., researchers, evaluators, health and health-allied professionals) to consider the influence of Indigenous ways of knowing and being on both Indigenous and non-Indigenous individuals involved in the healing process.</text>
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              <text>Shaunda King</text>
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                <text>“And They Are Still the Guardians of these Sacred Waters…”: Land as a process of reconciliation.</text>
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